4 , , : NEP ||NEP and Higher Education||
The Union Cabinets approval of National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 on July 29, was preceded by significant moves by the Government of India, which revealed the ideological framework of the policy.
On May 1, Prime Minister Narendra Modi reviewed NEP 2020 and declared that online education would constitute the core of the education policy because it would improve the quality of education and enable Indias education to reach global standards. Two related questions arise. First, is there any credible evidence that online education increases the quality of education? On the contrary, there is ample evidence that without the human agency of the teacher and student-student interaction learning levels deteriorate. Second, what are these global standards and who has set them? It is taken for granted that Indias higher educational institutions (HEIs) should be ranked among the top 100. This ranking is done by marketing agencies that apply parameters rooted in market fundamentalism, which are not related to the social purpose of education or its transformative role or constitutional values.
tarving government degree colleges and State universities of funds, forcing them to become indebted to the market, eventually leading to their closure;
(b) Incrementally handing over higher education institutions (HEIs) to private capital under the pretext of promoting philanthropy, which is yet another neoliberal excuse to pass on public funds to India Inc. under the modified PPP, that is, Public Philanthropic Partnership;
(c) Exacerbation of the present rate of exclusion of Bahujans and the disabled (even higher rate for girls in each of these sections) from higher education by not just giving freedom to the HEI to hike up their fees but also by essentially withdrawing the social justice agenda, especially reservation, and distortion of the concept of scholarships/fellowships by linking it to the so-called
merit which sociologically implies privileges, rooted in class, caste and patriarchy, on the one hand and linguistic and metropolitan hegemony on the other;
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4 , , : NEP ||NEP and Higher Education|| The Union Cabinets approval of National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 on July 29, was preceded by significant moves by the Government of India, which revealed the ideological framework of the policy. On May 1, Prime Minister Narendra Modi reviewed NEP 2020 and declared that online education would constitute the core of the education policy because it would improve the quality of education and enable Indias education to reach global standards. Two related questions arise. First, is there any credible evidence that online education increases the quality of education? On the contrary, there is ample evidence that without the human agency of the teacher and student-student interaction learning levels deteriorate. Second, what are these global standards and who has set them? It is taken for granted that Indias higher educational institutions (HEIs) should be ranked among the top 100. This ranking is done by marketing agencies that apply parameters rooted in market fundamentalism, which are not related to the social purpose of education or its transformative role or constitutional values. tarving government degree colleges and State universities of funds, forcing them to become indebted to the market, eventually leading to their closure; (b) Incrementally handing over higher education institutions (HEIs) to private capital under the pretext of promoting philanthropy, which is yet another neoliberal excuse to pass on public funds to India Inc. under the modified PPP, that is, Public Philanthropic Partnership; (c) Exacerbation of the present rate of exclusion of Bahujans and the disabled (even higher rate for girls in each of these sections) from higher education by not just giving freedom to the HEI to hike up their fees but also by essentially withdrawing the social justice agenda, especially reservation, and distortion of the concept of scholarships/fellowships by linking it to the so-called merit which sociologically implies privileges, rooted in class, caste and patriarchy, on the one hand and linguistic and metropolitan hegemony on the other;